再置的生命:1946-1976,辽西北村落中的国家、社会与农民

Rebuilding of Lives the State, Society, and Peasant in the Northeast of Liaoning, 1946-1976

作者: 专业:社会学 导师:郑杭生 年度:2008 学位:博士 

关键词
国家 社会 农民 生命历程

Keywords
State, Society, Peasant, Life Course
        对近代以来中国国家、社会和农民关系问题的研究,是一个颇具学术渊源的热门话题。而自黄宗智、杜赞齐创造性地使用“内卷化”的概念,并尝试用该机制解释新中国国家建设问题后,对新中国成立以来的国家、社会和农民关系的研究,成为一个更具挑战性的任务。杜赞齐旗帜鲜明地指出,新中国已经解决了国家内卷化和政权建设的问题。不过,这一观点立刻遭遇了诸多非议。美国学者弗里曼、毕克伟、赛尔登等人基于五公公社的研究得出相反的结论:而以人类学者萧凤霞为代表的华南区域研究则表明,新中国政权不仅没有解决内卷的难题,而且出现了国家和社会共卷的新问题。在作者看来,国内外学界关于新中国国家、社会和农民关系的研究,反映了两种截然不同的认识倾向。其中一种将农民视为完全熟练的政治公民,他们会沿着一条已经规划好了的路线,自然地走上设计好的道路,成为革命和建设的重要同盟力量。另一种倾向则将农民视为特定历史条件下被领导的、被动员的、不发声的阶级。如果说前一倾向反映了一种理论创新的倦怠的话,后一倾向则充满着知识分子对国家建设的警惕性和反思精神。而两者的共同之处是忽视了农村和农民本身的复杂性。最该成为主角的、真实的农民,却始终在文本中不能得以很好地呈现。为此本研究主要采取深度访谈的研究方法,通过对辽西北39位农民在1946-1976年间生命历程的访谈,分析不同阶段社会变迁对个体世界观、人生观的雕琢与塑造,借此展示个体心灵结构中的国家和社会关系的构造。20世纪上半叶在辽西北村落中展开的不同场景的国家政治,与村庄农民所理解的观念世界之间存在着难以克服的距离。在新的阶级政治图景和想象下,新政治力图将原本多元化的农民,改造成聚居在固定的空间、能够一起劳动生产、一起参与分配、在政治上具有一致行动的新阶级。虽然这种改造并没有达到预期的目的,但是却改变了村落农民日常的观念结构和生活方式。这个时期的土地改革,呈现了国家革命必须有赖于村庄农民的政治实践、国家革命必须要嵌入村庄社会结构及其互动的现实场景。虽然基于村庄的政治实践仍然和高高在上的国家政治目标相去甚远,但是显然新国家已经建立并实践了改造的规划。新中国成立以后,在互助组和初级社的状态下,农民可以拥有多元互补的生计方式,借此度过贫困和饥荒。但在新国家的政治规划中,更加组织化、更具公有性质的社会重组,已经提上了议程。1958年后,各种全局性的社会运动接踵而至,从村庄到个体都不得不卷入一场大变局。新社会运动的来临意味着新的社会向上流动规则的生成,而文化大革命阶段则是这种运动方式的极致体现。社会运动和地位流动的变幻莫测,为村落农民的人生历程带来了不可忽视的影响,使包括村落精英在内的大部分农民个体产生人生无常、难以预期、形势逼人和难以掌控人生道路的失败者体验。在饥荒、动乱的失范状态下,大多数人并未自觉是人生的成功者,并没有实现自己关于人生规划的预期。而村落社区和更高层面的政治天地,越来越被视为精英活动的场域,或者成功者轮转的舞台,由此也制造了国家与普通农民之间最为遥远的距离。
    According to its long-term academic origin as a so popular topic since modern China, now it has become a great challenge to discuss the relationship under the circumstance of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) after the creatively using of the term, ’involution’, by Philip C. C. Huang and Prasenjit Duara. After his excellent works on North China, Prasenjit Duara concluded that the PRC had resolved the problems of state power involution and state making. Criticism was immediate though, as American scholars E. Friedman, P.G Pickowicz, and M. Selden, drew a completely opposite conclusion based on their research in Wugong Commune. Furthermore, Helen F. Siu, the famous anthropologist and a representative of the researchers on South China, showed that the PRC not only could not resolve the problem of involution, but also created the new issue of a bi-directional involution of the state and the society.In the author’s opinion, academic thoughts on the subject can be divided into two completely different cognition trends.The peasants were completely skilled citizens who voluntarily fell into step along the designed road and grew into important allies of the Revolution and ConstructionThe peasants were a silent class that was led and mobilized by the Revolution elites under the particular historical conditionIf we say the former position reflects a kind of burnout of theoretical innovation, the latter is filled with the intellectual’s alertness and rethinking of the state-making. Even so, both trends neglected the complexity of rural society and the farmers themselves. The real farmers, who should have played the leading role, were never mentioned in the text.Therefore, the depth-interviewing method was adopted to analyze the sculpting and molding of the individual world and life concepts by the different stages of social changes on the basis of materail on the lives course from 1946-1976 of 39 farmers in the northwest of Liaoning, by which the analysis revealed the structure of the relationship between the state and the society within the individual spirit.In the first half of the 20th century, there was an insurmountable distance between national politics entering the village and their conception of the world at large to those fanners who did not understand the difference between a modern nation and traditional empire. The development of land reform showed the reality that the national revolution should depend on the political practice of farmers in villages and be embedded in the construction and interaction of these villages. Though the village political practices and the national government’s purposes for them were difficult to rectify, a new program of the new country had been established and practiced.After the foundation of the New China, there was a continual change in the form of village farmers from mutual aid teams to elementary cooperatives, and then to advanced cooperatives. In mutual aid cooperatives and elementary cooperatives, farmers could have the living mode of diversification and mutual supplement through which they could overcome extreme poverty and famine. In the political program of the new country, the more systematic and publicly-owned reorganization of the society was already on the agenda.Then the author focused on the shocks to the life course of individual farmers by various political movements after the Great Leap Movement in 1958, from which onward various social movements came one after another. The coming of new social movements meant the production of new social upflow rules, of which the Cultural Revolution was the acme kind of reflect mode of such social motion. The unpredictability of the social movements and the status mobile brought noticeable influences on the village fanner’s life course. Most fanners felt that life was variable and difficult to control, and life demands immediate action. They also felt the experience of the loser. Therefore, a great psychological divide between the state and the common fanners was created.
        

再置的生命:1946-1976,辽西北村落中的国家、社会与农民

中文摘要5-7
Abstract7-8
第一章 本文研究的问题11-18
    一、秩序末梢的农民:变迁中的村庄政治11
    二、"事件"与"日常生活":田野的困惑及其在经典研究中的表述11-13
    三、"无事件":记述的与真实的生活13-14
    四、国家建设:权力进入村庄和组织化的努力14-16
    五、变迁下的村庄农民政治:本文研究的意义所在16-18
第二章 相关研究文献综述18-35
    一、施坚雅的开创性贡献:村庄、集市、地方社会与国家互动的形式19-22
    二、弗里德曼的中国东南宗族研究:国家、宗族与地方社会22-24
    三、黄宗智、杜赞奇的华北农村研究:"没有发展的增长"与国家政权"内卷化"24-27
    四、弗里曼等的"五公村"研究:新中国的"政权内卷化"27-29
    五、萧凤霞等华南社会史研究:地方社会自主力量和国家与社会"共卷"29-32
    六、上述研究的一个评价:两个浪漫主义的影像,但农民何在32-35
第三章 理论背景、方法和资料来源35-47
    一、国家、社会与农民:从分立到互动,再到互构35-37
    二、特色的道路与新型现代性:地方性知识的生产37
    三、重建理解与信任:家乡化与回乡研究37-39
    四、沟通的潜能:国家、社会与个体生命历程39-40
    五、调查地点、使用方法与资料来源40-46
    六、本文的研究框架46-47
第四章 20世纪上半叶的辽西北村落:去边陲化的边陲47-61
    一、不同时期的移民垦殖政策与垦殖规模47-51
    二、"闯关东":辽西北的移民户与移民村落51-55
    三、清末至民国时期的辽西北村落:正在下滑的边陲社会55-61
第五章 流民与国家:进入村庄的国家政治61-74
    一、日本人和"满洲国":交大烟干儿、交粮、抓劳工61-64
    二、中央军、大团和八路军:大战局中的小战斗64-69
    三、"我经着四国了":民族-国家的政治理想与普通农民的观念世界69-74
第六章 土地改革:旧世界打个落花流水74-90
    一、求变的根芽:辽西北村落中的阶级和土地占有74-79
    二、贫农会领导土改:划成分,斗地主,分田地79-83
    三、革命:嵌入村庄的国家政治83-90
第七章 互助组到"走社儿":那就是个过场儿90-110
    一、从互助组开始:"把农民组织起来"90-94
    二、"上头"的争论:小农经济还是集体化?94-97
    三、"入社儿":"你不入呢,以后你都得上赶子入"97-100
    四、互助组的"散放"状态:多元化的活路100-104
    五、从"散放"到"社儿"的组织化:"现在看,那就是个过场儿"104-110
第八章 1958年开始:卷入大变局110-132
    一、大跃进的规划:从中央到地方层层加码110-114
    二、1958年:"从一开始那就不一样了"114-119
    三、小队的生产和生活:"能活过来就不错了"119-126
    四、"偏有偏的好处":西村的"瞒产私分"和"小开荒"126-132
第九章 文化革命与普通农民:难以参透的人生132-158
    一、运动和上进的阶梯:"一大批本来不出名的革命青少年成了勇敢的闯将"132-135
    二、从中农到"五类":人以群分135-141
    三、"我富农,我老实,我不得罪人":王YO的智慧141-148
    四、"这事儿能写一部小说啊":李SY的感慨148-152
    五、"前赶后赶给你赶出来的":宋JX的波折152-158
第十章 革命的尾声:代结论158-162
参考文献162-170
后记170-171


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